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By Gregory Millard

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Secession and Self is going past debates over the commercial and institutional results of Quebec separation to examine the normative dimensions of resistance to secession. Drawing from Charles Taylor, James Tully, etc, Gregory Millard explores the relevant position Quebec performs in principles of what makes Canada worthy. He argues holiday with Quebec could impair Canada's skill to achieve beliefs corresponding to liberalism, fraternity, and developmental debts of citizenship and might undercut makes an attempt to find Canadian identification in narratives of heritage and position. In lieu of a unmarried argument opposed to the departure of Quebec, Millard considers the range and richness of the affirmations concerned about Quebec-in-Canada as a specific form of multinational nation. (Amazon.ca)

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Which goods does it help us to affirm, and why? So inquiring into what is good about Quebec-in-Canada means, in part, asking what is good about the presence in our polity of this large and powerful nationality-based unit, which is analytically distinguishable from the other, territorially-based units of our federation. Quebec’s presence in Canada is part of what makes Canada a particular kind of multinational state. What affirmations are given in the project of sustaining a rich institutional sharing between the large and powerful societal cultures of Quebec and English-speaking Canada?

Societal cultures,” on Kymlicka’s account, are at least potentially inclusive of other orders of diversity. ” One need not be of a specific ethnic or religious origin, say, to participate in a “societal culture,” to be a full member of its social, political, and economic life. A societal culture, indeed, may be replete with Kymlika’s second category of cultural diversity, namely 22 Secession and Self “polyethnic” pluralism. ” Kymlicka has a great deal to say about the challenges posed by such diversities.

Assumptions a), b), and c) are all questionable in various ways but will not be contested here. The debate must be joined at its heart, which is the first premise – that Quebec nationalism is illiberal. The argument from liberal purity varies according to how its advocates articulate this premise. There are two main strategies for doing so. One is the hard-nosed position that states must be absolutely neutral as to culture. , religion or language), or so runs the argument, the nationalist phenomenon simply cannot be neutral, and so cannot be just.

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